Nicholas II did not abdicate. The famous manifesto is the fake of the century
Pyotr Multatuli, candidate of historical sciences, author of books about Nicholas II
Then, in March 1917, in Russia they believed the Manifesto on the abdication of the emperor Nicholas II. Rather, they believed what the newspapers published. After all, no one has seen the original document. And if they saw it, a lot of questions would immediately arise.
How did they do it?
Let's start with how the so-called. manifesto stored in the State Archive of the Russian Federation. It is a piece of paper torn (cut?) in half. The top and bottom parts are printed on different (!) typewriters. Although, according to the basic law of the empire, the sovereign had to write the original documents of such importance by hand. The word "Pskov" is generally typed on a third typewriter, and the date and time entered by hand at the bottom have traces of erasures and corrections. The "Manifesto" is addressed not to "loyal subjects", but to the mysterious "chief of staff". The title of the emperor and his personal seal are missing from the document. The sovereign's signature is inscribed in pencil (!). Signature of the Minister of the Imperial Court Count Fredericks also applied with an indelible pencil, and only then outlined with ink. During interrogation at the Extraordinary Investigative Commission of the Provisional Government, Frederiks said: "I was not at that moment next to the emperor." A member of the Duma Shulgin, which, in his own words, together with Guchkov accepted the abdication from the sovereign, assured that the document of the "manifesto" was not one sheet of paper, but ... four telegraph quarters!
These gross frauds point to the violent overthrow of Nicholas II from the throne. Representatives of the Kadet-liberal opposition, big industrial and banking capital, and, of course, revolutionary circles, who were greatly assisted by representatives of the Stavka generals, took part in the conspiracy. Not without the support of the conspirators from the ruling circles of a number of Western countries.
Who benefited?
It was important for our Western "allies" to weaken Russia from within, to prevent its victory in the First World War, which by March 1917 was close to. After all, then Russia would have received under its control the Black Sea Straits, Constantinople (Istanbul), East Prussia, Galicia, Western Armenia, becoming a superpower.
The plan of the conspirators was daring: to capture the sovereign. To do this, he was lured from Petrograd to Headquarters. There the emperor learned about the unrest that had begun in Petrograd and ordered them to be suppressed. Convinced of the inaction of the authorities in the capital and the existence of a conspiracy in Headquarters, Nicholas II ordered loyal troops to be sent to the capital and he himself went to Tsarskoye Selo. However, the imperial train was forcibly sent by the conspirators, first to the Dno station, and then to Pskov, where a false manifesto was drawn up. The sovereign was blocked in the carriage. No one could get to him without the permission of the commander-in-chief of the armies of the Northern Front, General Ruzsky.
Manifesto on the abdication of Nicholas II. Photo: Public Domain
According to the plan of the conspirators, an abdication was required in favor of a candidate who would have the right to the throne, but this right could be challenged. This was the emperor's brother Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich. In 1912 he married a divorced Natalia Wulfert, forfeiting the right to become emperor. Nicholas II himself signed the order depriving his brother of the rights to the throne. Could he then transfer the throne into his hands?
What is the law?
And finally, the legal aspect of the issue. The basic laws of the Russian Empire did not know such a thing as "renunciation" when it came to the reigning monarch. Even if we assume that Nicholas II signed a well-known paper in Pskov, then according to Art. 91 of the Fundamental Laws, the document on renunciation could come into force only after its promulgation in the Governing Senate. And nothing else. As you know, the "manifesto" of Nicholas II was never published by the Senate, and therefore did not enter into force. In addition, according to Art. 86, this document could not be adopted "without the approval of the State Council and the State Duma." However, the meetings of the State Duma from February 27, 1917 were suspended by an imperial decree. And the so-called "abdication" dates back to March 2 (15), 1917. Thus, the "abdication" of Nicholas II as a legal fact is absent.
Komsomolskaya Pravda continues to publish articles on my books. I am grateful to this newspaper for its attention and assistance in significantly expanding its readership.
I bring to your attention the second material (first)
Today we will return to the February Revolution of 1917. The historian told about those events in the book “Who finances the collapse of Russia?” (Publishing house "Peter").
Nikolai Starikov himself kindly agreed to answer the questions of Komsomolskaya Pravda and gave details of the February events of 1917, which were not included in his book.
Release the killers
The new government of Russia, the Provisional Government, went crazy... On March 2, 1917, Emperor Nicholas II abdicated in favor of his brother Mikhail. On March 3, under pressure from the delegation of the Duma, and especially A.F. Kerensky, Mikhail Alexandrovich Romanov refused to take power until the decision of the Constituent Assembly. And before the convocation of this meeting, power passed to the Provisional Government. It was these gentlemen who for some reason decided that our country no longer needed the police. The Separate Corps of Gendarmes was abolished and military counterintelligence was purged! Such an amazing decision was made in the midst of a world war. Were the ministers in their right mind when they dispersed the police? The very fact of the abdication of the king ... was a heavy blow to the morale of the troops. Why exacerbate? The first paragraph of the first document of the Provisional Government reads: "Full and immediate amnesty for all political and religious matters, including terrorist attacks, military uprisings." In what other country during the war were released from prison all those who tried to destroy this country? You will not find examples!
The power of temporary workers
Even Nikolai Alexandrovich Romanov had not had time to abdicate, and in Petrograd two new authorities created themselves. The Provisional Government and the Petrograd Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies arose: equally illegal; on the same day, February 27, 1917; by the same person! The name of everything that happened is high treason! Let me explain. Until the evening of March 2, 1917, when he abdicated, Nicholas II was the only legitimate leader of the country... An attempt to create an illegal body and usurp power is punished severely even in peacetime. During the war, one does not have to be a lawyer to predict the verdict. Therefore, the Duma members are very reluctant to go to the Taurida Palace, where meetings of deputies usually took place. After all, according to the royal decree, the Duma was dissolved. But one man decisively takes the initiative into his own hands. His last name is Kerensky. He writes in his memoirs: “I realized that the hour of history had finally struck. Hastily dressing, I went to the Duma building ... My first thought was: to continue the session of the Duma at any cost.
Then for a long 8 months the Provisional Government would fight the Petrograd Soviet. Why wasn't he fired right away? Yes, because the Provisional Government and the Soviet are the left and right hand of one organism, which was preparing to release the terrible genie of Russian unrest and anarchy. So that not a single stone is left of the Empire, they will not be driven back!
The collapse of the army
The most terrible and destructive was Order No. 1 of the Petrograd Soviet ... According to the order, the soldiers not only can not listen to their commanders, they are obliged not to give them weapons! And now look at the date of publication of this muck:
March 1, 1917 Let me remind you that Emperor Nicholas will abdicate only on March 2. It means that those who issued this order committed a betrayal of the highest order. They deliberately tried to destroy the army of the Russian Empire, and therefore the country itself. Kerensky was the only one from the Provisional Government who was a member of the Soviet. Therefore, he was responsible for the creation of Order No. 1. The Provisional Government lived in perfect harmony with the West. Corrupting the country and the army, Kerensky was the favorite of Western politicians and reporters.
Nikolay STARIKOV: In his old age, Kerensky was tormented by conscience
— What was the situation in the country on the eve of the February Revolution of 1917?
- In February 1917, several conspiracies were tragically intertwined. The first is the conspiracy of Milyukov, Guchkov and other Duma leaders who wanted to overthrow the monarchy. The second is a conspiracy of generals who wanted to eliminate the "clique" leading the country to defeat, the personification of which for them was first Rasputin, and after his death the empress. The third and most important was not a conspiracy, but an actual British intelligence operation that sought to cause an internal explosion in Russia. The British deftly manipulated the first and second conspirators to achieve their goals.
- Why did the opponents of Russia become more active in 1917?
- As a military trophy after the victory in the war over the Germans, Russia was promised the Turkish straits. Russia has been trying to capture them for over 100 years. A Russian landing operation in the Bosphorus was planned for April 1917. Everything was ready. Admiral Kolchak was appointed to command the landing. Simultaneously with our landing, an offensive was to begin on the Western and Eastern fronts against the Germans. This meant the end of the war. The victory of the Entente, and hence Russia. The British would have to give up the straits. Russia goes to the Mediterranean Sea. You can't give away. What to do? Cause an internal explosion using scoundrels, idealists and fools. It might not work. But a combination of a thousand circumstances led to tragedy.
- But why did the authorities in Russia do nothing to prevent the coup?
- The authorities of both the Empire and Petrograd acted criminally mildly and shamefully mediocre. The hydra of revolution had to be crushed with an iron fist. Hundreds would have died, but millions would have survived. Weak power ruined the age-old Russian state. By the way, in one of the British sources I found information that England was preparing for a war "with a certain power" during this period. This means that the British did not believe in the success of their special services and were preparing to fight with us. If February had not happened, the Anglo-Russian war would have begun in the spring. Compared to the Civil, it would be a boon. After all, nothing could be worse than a fratricidal war with millions of dead men, millions of children, women and the elderly who died of diseases.
Why did Nicholas II abdicate the throne?
- I am absolutely convinced that Nikolai Romanov did not abdicate the throne. We are dealing with lies and falsification. There is no document in the archives that would be called "Repudiation". There is a typewritten text which is entitled "To the Chief of the General Staff". It was allegedly signed by the tsar, although Nikolai never used pencils. The text itself on the sheet resembles a telegram, not a renunciation. It seems to me that the sovereign did not sign the abdication. He was simply put before a fact, announcing it. I am convinced that the conspirators blackmailed the king with the fate of his family, which could die if he persisted. Nicholas was arrested. To whom could he tell the truth? Convoy soldiers? Wife and children? The reason for their murder will also be the desire to keep the secret of "renunciation".
- Until now, there is an opinion in Russia that if the Bolsheviks had not seized power in October 17, then the February Revolution itself would have been a boon for the country. What about your opinion?
It's hard to imagine more stupidity. The Provisional Government in one day abolished the entire Russian administration, governors and vice-governors. The police and all other law enforcement agencies were dissolved, discipline was abolished in the army. Lenin and his comrades were not only not arrested, they were greeted at the station with flowers and an orchestra! Temporary workers issued a huge amount of new money, "kerenok", and thus undermined the financial system. The death penalty was abolished, including for desertion and espionage. It's during the war! I affirm that the Provisional Government was completely controlled by Great Britain and, under the dictation of its special services, deliberately led the country to disaster. And in October, Kerensky, again consciously, on command, transferred power to his classmate Lenin. And he safely left for the UK, to his English "friends".
What kind of person was Kerensky?
- Only Hitler brought more harm to Russia. Kerensky deliberately destroyed his homeland. Millions died from his deeds. He was an English puppet, and so he remained until the end of his days. He lived in the West, some kind of fund was created for him. And he called for a nuclear strike on Russia - the USSR. They say that in his declining years his conscience began to torment him and he said that if he could go back to 1917, he would give the order to shoot him himself.
Prepared by Larisa KAFTAN.
Read in the next issue of the weekly: how Lenin seized power in October 1917.
Speaking about the March events of 1917, it should be said that they became the final stage of the conspiracy that matured against Emperor Nicholas II in the bowels of the Progressive Bloc of the State Duma, certain circles of the highest generals and representatives of the ruling circles of the Entente countries. This conspiracy was the result of many years of confrontation between Russian social, liberal and revolutionary forces with the Tsarist government.
Speaking about the participation of the West in the overthrow of the monarchy in Russia, it is wrong to present it as a result of the activities of the national governments of England, France and the United States. Although the representatives of these governments took a lively part in organizing the coup d'état, they primarily represented not the interests of their countries, but the interests of transnational financial groups. The headquarters of these financial groups was in the United States of America.
The main residence of this center was in New York at 120 Broadway, in a 35-story skyscraper. By the way, William Schacht, the father of the future chief financier of Adolf Hitler, Hjalmar Horace Schacht, took part in the construction of this skyscraper. On the 35th floor was the Bankers' Club, where Morgan, Schiff, Baruch, Loeb and other "whales" of the American financial world gathered. In the same building were the offices and directors of the US Federal Reserve System, headed by the banker Warburg, a relative of Jacob Schiff. In addition, the skyscraper housed the office of American International Corporation. The main shareholder of this company was the bank of the same Schiff Kuhn and Loeb. At 120 Broadway was the office of John McGregor Grant, who represented the Petrograd banker D. G. Rubinstein in the United States. Grant was put on the list of suspicious persons by US military intelligence. Grant, in turn, was closely associated with the banker Morgan's Grand Trust. All these organizations took an active part in the February and then in the Bolshevik revolutions.
In the same Broadway building, there were constantly people closely associated with the future leaders of the revolutionary governments. At 120 Broadway was the banking office of Veniamin Sverdlov, the brother of the Bolshevik Yakov Sverdlov. Settled in a skyscraper and the famous English agent Sydney Reilly, the main link between Trotsky, Sverdlov and American financial groups. Reilly was on close friendly terms with the banker Abram Zhivotovsky, the uncle of Leon Trotsky. At 120 Broadway, Alexander Weinstein, also a good friend of Reilly, ran his business. Weinstein's brother, Grigory Weinstein, was the owner of the Novy Mir newspaper. The composition of the editorial board of this newspaper is interesting: Bukharin, Volodarsky, Chudnovsky, Uritsky, Kollontai - all the future leaders of the Bolshevik government.
Another frequenter of the bankers' club was Sidney Reilly, a resident of the English intelligence officer William Wiseman. It was through Reilly that Wiseman came across the eminence grise of American politics, Colonel House. House, long before Zbigniew Brzezinski, expressed the idea that “the rest of the world will live more peacefully if there are four Russias in the world instead of a huge Russia. One is Siberia, and the rest are the divided European part of the country.” Weissman began to transmit information received from House to his immediate superiors in London, bypassing the British ambassador.
Soon, English politicians were actively drawn into the preparation of a conspiracy against Emperor Nicholas II. First of all, these are Lord Alfred Milner, British Prime Minister D. Lloyd George and the British Ambassador in Petrograd, Sir George Buchanan. Milner maintained close ties with Weissman, and thus with the American bankers who lived on 120 Broadway.
What united such diverse people as English lords, American financiers, Russian revolutionaries and British intelligence officers? A careful study of these people, it turns out that they were involved in secret societies, whose members were often related to each other by blood.
In 1891 a secret society called the Round Table was formed in London. This society became one of the most influential forces in the formation and implementation of British imperial and foreign policy in the early twentieth century. Among the founding members of the society were, for example, Stead, Lord Escher, Lord Alfred Milner, Lord Rothschild, Lord Arthur Balfour and Sir George Buchanan, the future British ambassador to Russia. The main task of the group was to spread British dominance throughout the world, as well as the introduction of English as a world language, the creation of a single world government.
In 1904, Alfred Milner became the head of the Round Table. He established the Rhodes Scholarship, which enabled selected students from all over the world to study at Oxford University. Each of these students, at the most receptive period of his life, was indoctrinated with the founder's dream of a one world government.
Colonel Mandel House was closely associated with the Round Table and knew Milner well. Collaborated with the "Round Table" and Lloyd George. Subsequently, during the Versailles Conference, Lloyd George's closest advisors were members of the Round Table. Through Rothschild, the Round Table has links in the US with the Schiff, Warburg, Guggenheim, Rockefeller, and Carnegie families. Schiff, Warburgs, Aschberg generously financed Kaiser Germany in its subversive activities directed against Russia. Beginning in 1914, the Germans subsidized the Russian Revolution through the international bank of the Warburgs in Hamburg. This bank provided revolutionaries in Russia with money through its representative offices in Sweden. With the same money, German agents organized strikes and riots in Russia in 1915 and 1916. By the way, the main enemy of Russia in the German leadership was Chancellor Theobald Bethmann-Hollweg, who was a distant relative of Jacob Schiff. Namely, Bethmann-Hollweg, without informing Wilhelm II, gave the consent of the German government to Lenin's passage through Germany in the spring of 1917. Thus, we see that the circle is closed: the American and British participants in the conspiracy against the Tsar were united with the Germans. Therefore, the main reason for the participation of Western forces in the overthrow of Emperor Nicholas II was not the national interests of certain countries, but the desire of a supranational secret organization to establish a New World Order in the world.
It is noteworthy that the general head of the French military mission at the tsarist Headquarters, Maurice Janin, wrote in his diary on April 7, 1917 that the February Revolution "was led by the British and specifically by Lord Milner and Sir Buchanan."
In Russia itself, the organizers of the coup found serious support in the face of representatives of the Duma opposition, the same representatives who in 1915 were part of the Progressive Bloc. However, in addition to them, an active role in the seizure of power was to be played by the lawyer Alexander Fedorovich Kerensky, also a deputy of the State Duma. The name of Kerensky was then not at that time known as the names of Guchkov or Milyukov, but it was he, Kerensky, who, according to the plans of Milner and Buchanan, was to become the main figure in the coming upheaval. Compared with other oppositionists, Kerensky had one advantage: he headed the Masonic lodge "Great East of the Peoples of Russia."
M. Safonov believes that the text of the “renunciation” was written on the form of the royal telegram, with the signature of the Tsar and the Minister of the Court, Count Frederiks, already in place. What kind of "historical document" can then be discussed? And what was said in the original test of the manifesto, which Emperor Nicholas II handed over in two copies to Guchkov and Shulgin, about which there is an entry in the Tsar's diary, unless, of course, the diary was falsified? “If the ‘drafters’ of the Act of Renunciation so freely manipulated its form,” Safonov asks, “didn’t they treat the very text that Nicholas II transmitted to them with the same freedom? In other words, didn’t Shulgin and Guchkov make fundamental changes to the text of Nicholas II?
The most interesting study of the so-called "abdication manifesto" of Nicholas II was the study of A. B. Razumov. This study convincingly and reliably proved that the so-called "abdication manifesto" of Emperor Nicholas II was nothing more than a clever fake. Razumov writes: “Let's look carefully at this paper. Its unhurried analysis will tell an inquisitive person a lot. For example, all researchers are struck by the fact that the Sovereign's signature was made in pencil. Surprised historians write that during the 23 years of his reign, it was the only time when the Sovereign put a pencil signature on an official document.
In addition, there is no personal seal of Nicholas II on the paper, and the paper itself was not endorsed by the Governing Senate, without which no tsar's manifesto had legal force.
A lot of confusion arises when clarifying the question of how the very paper that the Sovereign signed looked like. So, V. V. Shulgin writes that the text of the renunciation was written on telegraph "quarters". “These were two or three quarters,” he writes, “such as, obviously, were used at Headquarters for telegraph forms.”
In Soviet (and by inertia, in today's) textbooks, this was presented as an indisputable fact. True, without hard evidence. “But there is evidence that the Abdication Manifesto is the fake of the century,” says historian Pyotr Multatuli.
Train hijack
Peter Multatuli:- On March 4, 1917, almost all newspapers published a Manifesto on the abdication of Emperor Nicholas II from the throne in favor of his brother, Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich. However, no one saw the original until ... until 1928, when it was discovered in the archives of the Academy of Sciences in Leningrad. It was a text typed on a typewriter, where the signature of Nicholas II was made in pencil (!). The title of emperor and the personal imperial seal are missing. This very document is still considered the original of the manifesto and is stored in the State Archives of the Russian Federation! It is clear that documents of state importance were never signed by the sovereign with a pencil. In 2006, researcher Andrei Razumov actually proved that the "pencil signature" was taken from the Order of Nicholas II on the army and navy of 1915. "Translated" using a special technology. The manifesto also bears the signature of the Minister of the Imperial Court, Count Frederiks. This signature is also written in pencil and outlined in pen. And when Fredericks was interrogated by the Extraordinary Investigative Commission of the Provisional Government, he stated: "I was not at that moment next to the emperor." This interrogation is documented.
"AiF": - What happened in reality?
P. M.:- By February 1917, a conspiracy to overthrow Nicholas II had been prepared for a year already. This was done by the top of the State Duma (its chairman Rodzianko, the leader of the Cadets Milyukov, the industrialist Konovalov, the representative of the revolutionary wing of the Duma Kerensky), the leadership of the military-industrial committees (Guchkov) and representatives of the Headquarters (generals Alekseev, Ruzsky, Brusilov). They were driven to the coup by the presumptuous notion that they could govern Russia better than the tsar. The conspirators were supported by the ruling circles of some Western countries. The forces seeking to abolish the monarchy took over. This required an abdication in favor of a candidate who, on the one hand, seemed to have the right to the throne, and on the other hand, if desired, this right could be challenged. Such was the emperor's brother, Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich. After he married the twice-divorced Natalia Wulfert in 1912, his offspring lost their rights to the throne. And Michael himself - the right to become the ruler of the state in the event of the death of Nicholas II. Could Nicholas II voluntarily transfer the throne into the hands of such a person? Of course not! According to the current law, the emperor could not abdicate at all!
"AiF": - How then did the conspirators achieve renunciation?
P. M.:- The chief of staff, General Alekseev, lured the tsar from Petrograd to Headquarters so that the train would be captured on the way. Contrary to the established notion, Nicholas II was imprisoned not on March 8, 1917 in Mogilev, but on the night of February 28 in Malaya Vishera. The imperial train could not pass to Tosno and further to Tsarskoye Selo, not because the "revolutionary troops" blocked the railway tracks, as we were long lied to, but because in Malaya Vishera the train was forcibly sent by the conspirators to the city of Dno, and then to Pskov . On February 28, Nicholas II was completely blocked. At the same time, in Petrograd, in the apartment of Prince Putyatin on Millionnaya Street, Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich was blockaded. In Pskov, the royal train was taken under tight control by the active conspirator Adjutant General Ruzsky, commander-in-chief of the armies of the Northern Front. No one could get to the emperor without his permission. It was in such conditions that the so-called “abdication” was “signed” by the sovereign. According to the published memoirs of the conspirators, the sovereign went into the office, and then returned with several "quarters" (forms for telegrams), on which the text of the manifesto was printed. can you imagine an emperor typing like a typist? It is said that the emperor himself drafted the manifesto. In fact, the document was written by Ruzsky and Rodzianko a few days before the events. The emperor did not even see him. The emperor's signature was forged. After "writing" the abdication manifesto on March 8, 1917, the emperor was officially arrested. The conspirators were afraid that if the sovereign got out of control, he would immediately speak and refute his abdication. The emperor was under strict house arrest until his death.
Cross for Russia
"AiF": - But there are diaries of Nicholas II, in which he admits that he abdicated.
P. M.:- As for the diaries, there are serious fears that the Bolsheviks introduced fakes into them. Anna Vyrubova, a friend of the Empress, wrote in her memoirs published abroad in the 1920s that the tsar, when he was brought to the Alexander Palace, told her: “These events in Pskov shocked me so much that I could not keep my diary all these days. ". The question arises: who led them then? In addition, from the diaries of Nicholas II, it turns out that he did not know the time of his departure from Pskov to Headquarters, nor his arrival in Mogilev, since the time of departure and arrival indicated in the diary does not coincide with the time indicated in the documents of Headquarters.
AiF: Why didn't the emperor try to escape?
P. M.:- Nicholas II was an Orthodox person. When he, who refused to sign any papers with a renunciation, found out that, despite this, the manifesto had nevertheless been published on his behalf, he took it as the will of God and did not fight for power. He and his family bore their cross of martyrdom for Russia.
Those who happened to be present on that fateful day (March 2, 1917) in the car of the royal train could hardly guess that the date of the abdication of Nicholas 2 from the throne not only ended the period of the next reign, but also opened the gates to a new world, terrible and merciless. In its bloody whirlpool, which destroyed the dynasty that had ruled for three centuries, all the foundations of life that had developed over the thousand-year history of Russia were destined to perish.
Issues requiring immediate resolution
The reasons for the abdication of Nicholas 2 from the throne lie in the deepest political and economic crisis that erupted in Russia by the beginning of 1917. The sovereign, who was in Mogilev in those days, received the first information about the impending catastrophe on February 27. The telegram, which arrived from Petrograd, reported on the riots taking place in the city.
It talked about the atrocities committed by crowds of soldiers of the reserve battalion, along with civilians, robbed shops and smashed police stations. The situation was aggravated by the fact that all attempts to pacify the street crowds led only to spontaneous bloodshed.
The situation that arose required the adoption of urgent and decisive measures, however, none of those present at the Headquarters at that time took the liberty of taking any initiative, and, thus, all responsibility fell on the sovereign. In the debate that flared up between them, the majority tended to think about the need for concessions to the State Duma and the transfer of powers to create a government to it. Among the senior command staff, who gathered in those days at Headquarters, no one has yet considered the abdication of Nicholas 2 from the throne as one of the options for solving the problem.
Date, photo and chronology of the events of those days
On February 28, the most optimistic generals still saw hope in the formation of a cabinet of leading public figures. These people did not realize that they were witnessing the beginning of that very senseless and merciless Russian revolt, which cannot be stopped by any administrative measures.
The date of the abdication of Nicholas 2 from the throne was inexorably approaching, but in these last days of his reign, the sovereign was still trying to take measures in order to take the situation under control. The photo in the article shows the sovereign-emperor in those days full of drama. On his orders, the well-known military general N.I. Ivanov, who was undergoing treatment in the Crimea, arrived at the Headquarters. A responsible mission was entrusted to him: at the head of the battalion of the Cavaliers of St. George, to go to restore order, first to Tsarskoe Selo, and then to Petrograd.
Failed attempt to break into Petrograd
In addition, the sovereign on the same day sent a telegram to the Chairman of the State Duma, M. V. Rodzianko, in which he expressed his consent to the creation of a ministry formed from the deputies they had designated. In the early morning of the next day, the imperial train departed from the platform and took the direction to Petrograd, but it was not destined to arrive there at the appointed time.
When we arrived at the Malaya Vishera station in the early morning of March 1, and no more than two hundred miles remained to the rebellious capital, it became known that further advancement was impossible, since the stations along the way were occupied by revolutionary-minded soldiers. This clearly demonstrated the scope that the anti-government protests took on, and with frightening clarity laid bare the full depth of the tragedy, the culminating moment of which was the abdication of Nicholas 2 from the throne.
Return to Pskov
It was dangerous to linger in Malaya Vishera, and the environment convinced the tsar to follow to Pskov. There, at the headquarters of the Northern Front, they could rely on the protection of the military units that remained loyal to the oath under the command of General N.V. Rozovsky. Heading there and stopping along the way at the station in Staraya Russa, Nicholas for the last time witnessed how the crowds of people gathered on the platform, taking off their hats, and many kneeling, greeted their sovereign.
Revolutionary Petrograd
Such an expression of loyal feelings, which had a centuries-old tradition, was perhaps observed only in the provinces. Petersburg was seething in the cauldron of the revolution. Here, the royal power was no longer recognized by anyone. The streets were full of joyful excitement. Scarlet flags and hastily painted banners were blazing everywhere, calling for the overthrow of the autocracy. Everything foreshadowed the imminent and inevitable abdication of Nicholas 2 from the throne.
Briefly listing the most characteristic events of those days, eyewitnesses noted that the enthusiasm of the crowd sometimes took on the character of hysteria. It seemed to many that everything gloomy in their life was already behind them, and joyful and bright days were coming. At an extraordinary meeting of the State Duma, an urgent order was formed, which included many enemies of Nicholas II, and among them - an ardent opponent of monarchism, a member of A.F. Kerensky.
At the main entrance to where the State Duma met, there was an endless rally, at which speakers, replaced by an uninterrupted succession, further fueled the enthusiasm of the crowd. The Minister of Justice of the newly formed government, the aforementioned A.F. Kerensky, enjoyed particular success here. His speeches were invariably met with universal jubilation. He became a universal idol.
Transfer of military units to the side of the rebels
Violating the earlier oath, the military units located in St. Petersburg began to swear allegiance to the Provisional Government, which largely made the abdication of Nicholas 2 from the throne inevitable, since the sovereign lost the support of his main stronghold - the armed forces. Even the tsar's cousin, Grand Duke Kirill Vladimirovich, together with the Guards crew entrusted to him, took the side of the rebels.
In this tense and chaotic situation, the new authorities were naturally interested in the question of where the king was at the moment, and what actions should be taken against him. It was clear to everyone that the days of his reign were numbered, and if the date for the abdication of Nicholas 2 from the throne had not yet been set, then it was only a matter of time.
Now the usual "sovereign-emperor" has been replaced by derogatory epithets "despot" and "tyrant". Especially ruthless was the rhetoric of those days to the empress - a German by birth. In the mouths of those who only yesterday shone with benevolence, she suddenly became a "traitor" and "a secret agent of Russia's enemies."
The role of M. in the events
A complete surprise for the members of the Duma was the parallel body of power that arose at their side - the Soviet of Workers' and Peasants' Deputies, which shocked everyone with the extreme leftism of its slogans. At one of his meetings, Rodzianko tried to make a pathetic and pompous speech calling for unity and the continuation of the war to a victorious end, but was booed and hastened to retreat.
In order to restore order in the country, the chairman of the Duma developed a plan, the main point of which was the abdication of Nicholas 2 from the throne. Briefly, it boiled down to the fact that the monarch, unpopular among the people, should transfer power to his son. The sight of a young heir who had not yet had time to compromise himself in any way, in his opinion, could calm the hearts of the rebels and lead everyone to mutual agreement. Until he came of age, the king's brother was appointed regent - with whom Rodzianko hoped to find a common language.
After discussing this project with the most authoritative Duma members, it was decided to immediately go to Headquarters, where, as they knew, the sovereign was, and not to return back without obtaining his consent. In order to avoid unforeseen complications, they decided to act covertly, not making their intentions public. Such an important mission was entrusted to two reliable deputies - V. V. Shulgin and A. I. Guchkov.
At Headquarters of the Army of the Northern Front
On the same evening, March 1, 1917, the royal train approached the platform of the Pskov railway station. The members of the retinue were unpleasantly struck by the almost complete absence of those who greeted them. At the royal carriage, only the figures of the governor, several representatives of the local administration, as well as a dozen officers were visible. The commander of the garrison, General N. V. Ruzsky, led everyone to the final despondency. In response to a request for assistance to the sovereign, he, waving his hand, replied that the only thing that can now be counted on is the mercy of the winner.
In his carriage, the sovereign received the general, and their conversation continued until late at night. At that time, the manifesto of Nicholas 2 on the abdication of the throne was already prepared, but the final decision was not made. From the memoirs of Ruzsky himself, it is known that Nikolai reacted extremely negatively to the prospect of transferring power into the hands of members of the new government - people, in his opinion, superficial and unable to take responsibility for the future of Russia.
On the same night, General N. V. Ruzsky contacted N. V. Rodzianko by telephone and discussed what was happening with him in a long conversation. The Chairman of the Duma stated bluntly that the general mood was leaning toward the need for renunciation, and there was simply no other way out. Urgent telegrams were sent from the Headquarters of the Commander-in-Chief to the commanders of all fronts, in which they were informed that, in view of the prevailing emergency circumstances, the abdication of Nicholas 2 from the throne, the date of which will be set for the next day, is the only possible measure to establish order in the country. Their responses expressed their full support for the decision.
Meeting with Duma envoys
The last hours of the reign of the seventeenth sovereign from the House of Romanov were running out. With all inevitability, an event was approaching Russia that became a turning point in the course of its history - the abdication of Nicholas 2 from the throne. The year 1917 was the last of the twenty-two years of his reign. Still secretly hoping for some unknown to them, but favorable outcome of the case, everyone was waiting for the arrival of the Duma deputies sent from St. Petersburg, as if their arrival could influence the course of history.
Shulgin and Guchkov arrived by the end of the day. From the memoirs of the participants in the events of that evening, it is known that the appearance of the envoys of the rebellious capital fully betrayed the depression caused by the mission entrusted to them: shaking hands, confusion in their eyes, and heavy, intermittent breathing. They were not aware that today the unthinkable yesterday's abdication of Nicholas 2 from the throne became a resolved issue. The date, the manifesto, and other issues related to this act were already thought out, prepared and resolved.
A. I. Guchkov spoke in tense silence. In a quiet, somewhat choked voice, he began to talk about what was generally known before him. Having outlined all the hopelessness of the situation in St. Petersburg and announcing the creation of the Provisional Committee of the State Duma, he moved on to the main issue, for which he arrived on this cold March day at Headquarters - the need for the abdication of the sovereign from the throne in favor of his son.
The signature that turned the tide of history
Nicholas listened to him in silence, without interrupting. When Guchkov fell silent, the sovereign answered in an even and, as it seemed to everyone, calm voice that, having considered all possible options for action, he also came to the conclusion that it was necessary to leave the throne. He is ready to renounce him, but he will name his successor not a son suffering from an incurable blood disease, but his own brother, Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich.
This was a complete surprise not only for the Duma envoys, but for all those present. After a moment of confusion caused by such an unexpected turn of events, an exchange of opinions began, after which Guchkov announced that in view of the lack of a choice, they were ready to accept this option as well. The emperor retired to his office and a minute later appeared with a draft manifesto in his hands. After some amendments were made to it, the sovereign put his signature on it. History has preserved for us the chronology of this moment: Nicholas 2 signed the abdication at 23:40 on March 2, 1917.
Colonel Romanov
Everything that happened deeply shocked the dethroned monarch. Those who had a chance to communicate with him in the first days of March said that he was in a fog, but, thanks to his military bearing and upbringing, he behaved impeccably. Only as the date of the abdication of Nicholas 2 from the throne went into the past, life returned to him.
Even in the first, most difficult days for him, he considered it his duty to head to Mogilev to say goodbye to the remaining loyal troops. Here the news of his brother's refusal to become his successor on the Russian throne reached him. In Mogilev, Nicholas's last meeting with his mother, the Dowager Empress Maria Feodorovna, who came specially to see her son, took place. Having said goodbye to her, the former sovereign, and now just Colonel Romanov, departed for Tsarskoe Selo, where his wife and children had remained all this time.
In those days, hardly anyone could fully realize what a tragedy the abdication of Nicholas II from the throne was for Russia. The date, briefly mentioned today in all history textbooks, has become the verge of two eras, which, a country with a thousand-year history, was in the hands of those demons that F. M. Dostoevsky warned her about in his brilliant novel.
